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| Air pollution is widely recognised as a serious health hazard while Covid-19 shone a spotlight on the weaknesses of the UK’s public health system |
Despite the wealth of evidence testifying to the parlous state of public health and with many studies offering solutions that are both cost-effective and for which there is robust evidence, there remain significant political and organisational barriers to the realisation of an effective public health system. Unless these are confronted, the chances of progress are slim.
A new social contract for public health
We support the case for a new social contract in which health policy is truly public. Public health policies are often criticised by those of a neoliberal persuasion for restricting individual choice and for ‘nanny statism’. We refer to this form of liberalism as ‘vulgar individualism’. Big government and state overreach are viewed as problems which stifle personal freedom and hinder private sector growth on which the economy depends.
In fact, a much bigger problem is state underreach and a failure to take up and apply policies and policy instruments that are known to be effective in order to improve health. But as long as governments continue to subscribe to the view that the health of individuals is a matter of personal responsibility then action of the kind needed will not be forthcoming. Over the past 13 years or so, successive governments have subscribed to this view ignoring all the evidence which demonstrates the flaw at the heart of such thinking, namely, a belief that that government is best which governs least.
In place of such a stunted political ideology we propose a new social contract for public health incorporating the principles of what might be termed ‘social individualism’, that is, a commitment to using the instruments of collective political authority to create the conditions for individual choice and fulfilment.
What are the elements of the new social contract for public health?
First, and importantly, a social contract for public health would focus on prevention, reflecting the significant body of evidence demonstrating how a wide range of public health measures would prevent more serious conditions developing. But while it is easy to state all this, as indeed numerous academics and analysts have done over many years, unless political leadership is in place to confront the challenges the prospect of change happening is slim.
A particular challenge is the tension arising from the urgent driving out the important. With an NHS under extreme pressure in respect of growing waiting lists and staff shortages, for electoral and other reasons, politicians are most likely to prioritise addressing these to the exclusion of longer-term public health measures. Yet, as the Hewitt Review of Integrated Care Systems points out, ‘we have mistaken NHS policy for healthcare policy’.
Second, a new social contract requires a precautionary state, paying attention not only to known hazards but also to remote and uncertain ones. If the pandemic taught us anything, it was the need to be prepared and have sufficient resources in place to enable swift and effective action to be taken. Sadly, for a government emerging from the debacle over Brexit and trapped in a mindset of short-termism with a focus on campaigning rather than governing, adopting a policy of precaution does not come naturally.
Third, social solidarity is required in the face of health inequalities. Social individualism recognises that policies for the most vulnerable are not policies for a particular group in society, but policies for all of us when in need. What is required from public policy is the support to resilience over the life cycle.
Fourth, a new social contract requires a different approach to government and governance. In particular, addressing the short-termism that pervades our politics has to be challenged and replaced by a more sober acknowledgement of how governments need to function. A populist politics that wishes away the need for planning and relies on easy, facile slogans to attain and retain office – ‘the unbearable lightness of politics’ as the historian, Tony Judt, put it – undercuts the seriousness that is needed for effective government.
Above all, a new social contract sees a central role for an active state. To this end, we set out a manifesto to frame the approach to public health that is needed in the hope that it might inform the political debate as preparations get underway for a general election due over the next year.
A manifesto
Much that needs to be done already exists and is supported by a sound evidence base as well as by the main UK public health bodies. The Hewitt Review’s plea for priority to be given to population health matched by new investment is also worth acting on. Some measures could be swiftly adopted by a new government if it so chose. Others will take longer but making a start by implementing what be done quickly would make most sense in tackling the crisis facing public health.
Above all, regardless of the particular topic demanding attention, at the heart of public health policy is the need to work in a cross-organisational and cross-sectoral way. This will not happen without strong political leadership, but to embed a cross-government commitment to public health requires new legislation to place a duty on all government departments to respect in their policies the claims of public health. To monitor how policy is taken forward and implemented, there is a strong case for making the publication of health impact statements obligatory.
If the winds of change blowing through the country offer a turning point in the public’s health, then the incoming government has no time to lose in seizing the opportunity.
Hewitt P (2023) The Hewitt Review: An independent review of integrated care systems, GOV.UK https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/1148568/the-hewitt-review.pdf
Judt T (2010) Ill Fares the Land. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books
A new social contract for public health
We support the case for a new social contract in which health policy is truly public. Public health policies are often criticised by those of a neoliberal persuasion for restricting individual choice and for ‘nanny statism’. We refer to this form of liberalism as ‘vulgar individualism’. Big government and state overreach are viewed as problems which stifle personal freedom and hinder private sector growth on which the economy depends.
In fact, a much bigger problem is state underreach and a failure to take up and apply policies and policy instruments that are known to be effective in order to improve health. But as long as governments continue to subscribe to the view that the health of individuals is a matter of personal responsibility then action of the kind needed will not be forthcoming. Over the past 13 years or so, successive governments have subscribed to this view ignoring all the evidence which demonstrates the flaw at the heart of such thinking, namely, a belief that that government is best which governs least.
In place of such a stunted political ideology we propose a new social contract for public health incorporating the principles of what might be termed ‘social individualism’, that is, a commitment to using the instruments of collective political authority to create the conditions for individual choice and fulfilment.
What are the elements of the new social contract for public health?
First, and importantly, a social contract for public health would focus on prevention, reflecting the significant body of evidence demonstrating how a wide range of public health measures would prevent more serious conditions developing. But while it is easy to state all this, as indeed numerous academics and analysts have done over many years, unless political leadership is in place to confront the challenges the prospect of change happening is slim.
A particular challenge is the tension arising from the urgent driving out the important. With an NHS under extreme pressure in respect of growing waiting lists and staff shortages, for electoral and other reasons, politicians are most likely to prioritise addressing these to the exclusion of longer-term public health measures. Yet, as the Hewitt Review of Integrated Care Systems points out, ‘we have mistaken NHS policy for healthcare policy’.
Second, a new social contract requires a precautionary state, paying attention not only to known hazards but also to remote and uncertain ones. If the pandemic taught us anything, it was the need to be prepared and have sufficient resources in place to enable swift and effective action to be taken. Sadly, for a government emerging from the debacle over Brexit and trapped in a mindset of short-termism with a focus on campaigning rather than governing, adopting a policy of precaution does not come naturally.
Third, social solidarity is required in the face of health inequalities. Social individualism recognises that policies for the most vulnerable are not policies for a particular group in society, but policies for all of us when in need. What is required from public policy is the support to resilience over the life cycle.
Fourth, a new social contract requires a different approach to government and governance. In particular, addressing the short-termism that pervades our politics has to be challenged and replaced by a more sober acknowledgement of how governments need to function. A populist politics that wishes away the need for planning and relies on easy, facile slogans to attain and retain office – ‘the unbearable lightness of politics’ as the historian, Tony Judt, put it – undercuts the seriousness that is needed for effective government.
Above all, a new social contract sees a central role for an active state. To this end, we set out a manifesto to frame the approach to public health that is needed in the hope that it might inform the political debate as preparations get underway for a general election due over the next year.
A manifesto
Much that needs to be done already exists and is supported by a sound evidence base as well as by the main UK public health bodies. The Hewitt Review’s plea for priority to be given to population health matched by new investment is also worth acting on. Some measures could be swiftly adopted by a new government if it so chose. Others will take longer but making a start by implementing what be done quickly would make most sense in tackling the crisis facing public health.
Above all, regardless of the particular topic demanding attention, at the heart of public health policy is the need to work in a cross-organisational and cross-sectoral way. This will not happen without strong political leadership, but to embed a cross-government commitment to public health requires new legislation to place a duty on all government departments to respect in their policies the claims of public health. To monitor how policy is taken forward and implemented, there is a strong case for making the publication of health impact statements obligatory.
If the winds of change blowing through the country offer a turning point in the public’s health, then the incoming government has no time to lose in seizing the opportunity.
For an extended discussion of the issues raised go to our new book: Littlejohns P, Hunter DJ, Weale A, Johnson J and Khatun T (2024) Making Health Public: A Manifesto for a New Social Contract. Bristol: Policy Press
Bristol University Press | Making Health Public - A Manifesto for a New Social Contract, By Peter Littlejohns, David J. Hunter, Albert Weale, Jacqueline Johnson and Toslima Khatun
Bristol University Press | Making Health Public - A Manifesto for a New Social Contract, By Peter Littlejohns, David J. Hunter, Albert Weale, Jacqueline Johnson and Toslima Khatun
Authors
David J Hunter, Emeritus Professor of Health Policy and Management, Population Health Sciences Institute, Newcastle University
Peter Littlejohns, Emeritus Professor of Public Health, Centre for Implementation Sciences, Institute for Psychiatry, Psychology and Neurosciences, King’s College London
Albert Weale, Emeritus Professor of Political Theory and Public Policy, University College London
Jacqueline Johnson, pubic health and management consultant
Toslima Khatun, teaching fellow, King’s College London
References
Peter Littlejohns, Emeritus Professor of Public Health, Centre for Implementation Sciences, Institute for Psychiatry, Psychology and Neurosciences, King’s College London
Albert Weale, Emeritus Professor of Political Theory and Public Policy, University College London
Jacqueline Johnson, pubic health and management consultant
Toslima Khatun, teaching fellow, King’s College London
References
The answer starts with austerity, The Guardian, 10 August
Judt T (2010) Ill Fares the Land. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books
The views and opinions expressed by the authors are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of Fuse, the Centre for Translational Research in Public Health.
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Image by Jacques GAIMARD from Pixabay.
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